|
Wednesday, 22 September 2010 20:16 |
 |
|
|
Monday, 18 October 2010 22:06 |
|
By Michael Madill
The al-Shabab militia, which is making life miserable for everyone in Somalia while it tries to impose a totalitarian dictatorship on the country using Islam and the cultural codes of eighth century Arabia, has just declared banking illegal.
The militia has decided that transferring money from one person to another using your mobile phone is un-Islamic and therefore haram or forbidden, on pain of death. It is a sign that their hold on the country is slipping, that Somalis are gradually releasing the grip of fear which al-Shabab thinks it still has.
The militia has not banned hawala, a traditional system of money transfer popular in the Muslim and Arabic-speaking worlds and which it tightly controls in the parts of Somalia within range of its guns. Mobile phone banking, in which users transfer plan minutes or electronic credits directly between two accounts via text message or infrared network, is fast becoming the principal method of payment in Mogadishu.
|
|
Read more...
|
|
Thursday, 27 May 2010 20:36 |
|
By Michael Madill
Poor neighborhoods might just be the best hope of poor African countries. The rich ones certainly aren’t up to the job. You can find wealthy people and big governments in every country on the continent, but they have done little to make their neediest people better off in the fifty years since many of them got their independence. There are arguments about how much of this problem is their fault or even their responsibility, but we can look back at half a century of attempts to mitigate poverty and suffering and see only modest, irregular gains.
Today two-fifths of a country’s income vanishes into corrupt practices and politicians’ pockets in places like Uganda. Official development assistance makes up more than half the government’s budget in Niger, the Central African Republic and Liberia just to name a few. Countries with relatively more exposure to the world economy like Nigeria and South Africa are struggling to close budget gaps like their poorer neighbors. And in places like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Guinea-Bissau it’s hard to distinguish government employees and soldiers from petty thugs and criminal warlords because they are often the same people.
|
|
Read more...
|
|
|
Monday, 03 May 2010 22:06 |
|
By Danny Postel It was Monday morning, April 26, at a little computer repair shop and internet café on the corner of Touhy and California, that I learned of Fred Halliday’s death. Just one building south of that computer repair shop is one of Rogers park’s best kept secrets, a Middle Eastern tea house and restaurant called Venus, which is my home away from home. I have very fond memories of an evening with Fred in the autumn of 2005 that started out at Venus and ended in Edgewater. I had organized a pair of events for Fred in Chicago that November. Fred, who lived in London (he taught international relations at the London School of Economics), didn’t voyage across the Atlantic often, finding it increasingly burdensome with time. So when he told me he’d be speaking at the Middle East Studies Association’s annual conference that fall in Washington, I jumped on the opportunity to have him in Chicago. I persuaded John Mearsheimer to have Fred lecture at the University of Chicago (not a hard sell – Mearsheimer had never met Fred but respected his work was eager to have him on campus).
|
|
Read more...
|
|
Tuesday, 06 April 2010 03:22 |
|
By Michael Madill
There is a good side to the machete and bludgeoning death of Eugene Terreblanche in South Africa on April 3, but it’s not what you think. You don’t have to listen very close to hear the cries of ‘good riddance,’ and indeed Mr Terreblanche and the white supremacy and separatism he preached won’t be missed, but the passing of an exponent of a vile racist nationalism isn’t the most important thing to issue from his murder.
South Africa may now finally be able to confront the fear that lurks in the public imagination there but which is rarely addressed in a rational way – the fear that white retribution for the end of apartheid will cause a civil war. In a sense, the threats of a white backlash were always like the shouts of a petulant teenager. The government is big enough and the army and police loyal enough to the government that it can meet any internal threat easily. But that didn’t stop people like Terreblanche from trying.
|
|
Read more...
|
|
|
|
|
<< Start < Prev 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Next > End >>
|
|
Page 1 of 7 |